Balance (1)

If someone asked, “Who holds hegemony over East Asia?”

Across history, the answer would unanimously be the Qing Dynasty, ruler of the Chinese mainland.

Before the Qing, the Ming Dynasty wielded a renaissance-like peak of civilization. Before that, countless Chinese empires dominated.

For millennia, these nations reigned alone in Asia, dismissing all others as barbarians.

But today, a new challenger has emerged—not a blue-eyed, pale-skinned Westerner, but a black-haired, dark-eyed rival.

A clash between the civilization that long ruled the world’s largest continent and a fledgling nation, barely free from colonial shackles, chasing Westernization.

The battleground for this power struggle? A small peninsula jutting out at the continent’s edge—Korea.

“When General Saigo Takamori pushed Seikanron, I opposed it,” mused Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi. “Yet here I am, advocating it now.”

“Do you regret that decision, Your Excellency?” asked an aide.

“I don’t know. Back then, I thought toppling the Qing would be enough. But it turns out, there’s a bigger mountain behind them.”

Could defeating the Qing truly secure East Asia’s hegemony?

If Japan clears the Qing’s shadow from Korea, can a mere island nation advance onto the mainland?

Even if we topple the Qing, becoming the Far East’s hegemon won’t be easy.

Ito reflected on his time as president of the House of Peers.

Three years ago, the imperial court, cabinet, and peers all bowed in fear during that incident.

This year marks the final payment of the indemnity, but its ripples linger.

The payments drained the cabinet, slashed budgets nearly sparked a military revolt, and raised taxes on the people.

Yet those recalling that time all say the same thing: A crisis wisely averted.

To think—paying half a year’s budget to a potential enemy and calling it fortunate. What a pathetic display of weakness.

Still, one thing Ito agreed on: the matter was settled cleanly.

After Crown Prince Nikolai returned to Vladivostok, the Russian Empire stayed quiet as a still lake for three years.

That gave Japan the confidence to face the Qing head-on. Humiliating or not, not escalating that incident was, in hindsight, the right call.

“Never again. Never.”

This isn’t a war to claim Korea—it’s a war to protect Japan.

Before the faltering Qing regains strength to harm Japan.

Before those Russkies finish their railway longer than the Great Wall and march into Asia, Japan must act first.

“With the palace and king secured, Korea’s immobilized. What of that old fox, the Daewongun?”

“Minister Fukashi Sugimura, stationed in Seoul, assured we won’t demand an inch of Korean land. The Daewongun then entered the palace.”

“What a farce, playing tiger with borrowed might.”

“What shall we do with him?”

“Use him as a pawn, then discard him. He’s pro-Japan out of necessity, but deep down, he’s anti-Japanese to the core.”

Despite the rapid pace, the results aren’t bad.

Li Hongzhang sent troops to Korea, and in just three days, Japan established its general headquarters and marched on Seoul.

The Qing, prideless, proposed talks—Japan sent a letter of severed ties, escalating the situation, while securing support through the new Anglo-Japanese Treaty.

Every bold choice stemmed from decades of waiting for this moment.

“Preparations are complete.”

“Then…”

“Order the headquarters now. Annihilate the Qing forces in Asan and sink their fleet.”

With this, Ito would surpass even Toyotomi Hideyoshi, achieving continental conquest.

“Oh, and… kill that old fox.”

“Understood.”

The glory of the empire already seemed to shine on Ito.

After the Crimean War, my grandfather, the Tsar, tried controlling the military differently.

The military wasn’t exactly a hotbed of rebellion, but as a reformist and liberal, he adopted a new method.

Medals.

Medals existed before, but they were mere rewards for merit or honor, nothing more.

Grandfather refined the system, dividing it into tiers, making it intricate.

Those medals soon heavily influenced military promotions.

Even noble-born officers struggled to rise without them, drawing the military’s focus to the Imperial Ministry, which oversees honors.

Father became the military itself, so he didn’t care.

Regardless, it’s a fair system, tying promotions to merit.

“…Isn’t it corrupt?”

“No.”

“It feels corrupt.”

“No, it’s not.”

Colonel Roman Isidorovich Kondratenko, promoted by my direct order, earned a medal.

Beyond my influence, Roman reformed basic military training as a staff officer and proved its effectiveness in the 20th Infantry Regiment.

“Under noble law, the Order of St. Vladimir, 4th class, grants hereditary noble rights. And a noble officer…”

“Can become a governor, like Baron Korf in the Far East.”

Roman Kondratenko, dragged along on this journey, didn’t exactly rejoice over the medal, true to his nature.

“I… didn’t want this. Neither did my family.”

“What, you wanted to rot in an infantry regiment? Roman, I need you. Some will call it unfair favoritism, but I need you enough to ignore that.”

“Why me? I’m just a colonel.”

“Loyalty, military skill, expertise, and potential. Plenty of reasons.”

He didn’t seem satisfied with the vague answer, but we’ve been having this tiresome talk for a month already.

Three years ago, I swore I’d never return here. Yet here I am, by my own will.

With an excessive escort, aides, Imperial Ministry officials, and ministry bureaucrats, the massive entourage reached Khabarovsk, the heart of the Amur region, at breakneck speed.

“…We got here early.”

A three-and-a-half-month journey cut to two months by rushing. The partial operation of the central continental railway helped.

But what’s with this vibe?

Khabarovsk sits inland, just above Vladivostok’s port.

Walk left, you hit the Qing border. Two days south, you’re in Korea.

As such, it hosts the Amur Military District’s governorship and various Far East administrative bodies.

Given its position, I expected the governorship to be on high alert over this incident. But the atmosphere was… off.

“Governor Sergei, is this all the troops?”

“With a draft, we could bolster numbers with security forces and reserves, but regular forces, even across the region, are under 10,000.”

“…The Far East navy’s under you too, right?”

“It can’t threaten Japan.”

“Now I get why the mood’s so defensive.”

“But if we mobilize the Irkutsk Military District nearby, numbers would grow.”

“Still not enough.”

First thing I checked upon arrival: troop strength.

We’ve been building it up, but in this mostly barren, undeveloped region, expecting a large force is unrealistic.

Guess we need to gather more, even if it takes time.

Persuasion in wartime comes from military might.

To intervene, we need more troops to amplify our voice.

This is before the Primorsky Mercenary Corps even exists. Border forces alone can’t meddle in someone else’s war.

Japan’s just baring its teeth. The three Siberian corps for Far East defense haven’t even been formed.

Even so, the troop-to-population ratio here is three times higher than Warsaw’s military district in Europe. Past and present governors, including Sergei, clearly worked hard.

“Governor Sergei, gather every soldier you can in a month. At least 30,000.”

“…I’ll try.”

At least Sergei wasn’t just sitting on his hands during this neighboring war. His explanation was cold and clear.

“For three months, Japan’s moves have been relentless. Occupying Gyeongbokgung, neutralizing Korea, capturing Pyongyang, the Yellow Sea battle—they’re reaching for the continent.”

“Details on the Qing battles?”

“Pyongyang fell mid-September with at least 15,000 troops. The battle didn’t last three days… annihilation, capture, or desertion—pick one.”

“More aggressive than expected.”

Naval battles make sense with the clear power gap. You need ships to fight, right?

The Qing’s North Sea Fleet, built with money, is large but outdated, barely matching second-rate Western ships.

If they even loaded ammo properly…

But losing so badly on land, like a swarm of bugs, is surprising.

“They got crushed defending a fortress. The firepower gap must’ve been absurd. Japan brought that much to Korea so fast?”

“That’s not all. After Pyongyang fell, they advanced the next day. The First Army crossed the Yalu River into South Manchuria; the Second Army headed for the Liaodong Peninsula.”

“…So Japan’s right below Khabarovsk.”

“Correct.”

How many Japanese troops are in Korea? Probably under 200,000, based on intel.

The Qing could mobilize triple that instantly, yet they’re losing.

Qualitative differences aside… Japan’s rushing.

Rejecting talks, accelerating war—aiming for a decisive end? But Russia’s right above them, and Britain, America, Germany, and France are watching closely.

Like they’re ready to pounce.

“…Japan’s scary right now.”

“They’re charging toward Beijing—what’s scary?”

“Not the Qing, us. Or rather, the many eyes watching them.”

One sign of weakness, and the powers will judge Japan’s limits and intervene.

A single defeat could end the war, regardless of the belligerents’ will.

Even if they win, intervention’s likely.

The Qing is a feast and piggy bank for the powers. No one likes a brash new player crashing the party.

“This incident—we can’t fight for the Qing or support Japan, who we might clash with.”

Join or watch. Intervene or ignore.

Normally, Russia, lacking troops, would’ve loitered post-conflict, sniffing for scraps.

“Here’s my thought. Those islanders don’t care about Qing land. They’re acting crazy, but they know—this land’s not theirs, no matter how much blood they spill.”

“Then…”

“What else? It’s all for Korea.”

Can Japan compete with the powers for a slice of the Qing pie?

No way. Even their ally Britain would turn.

So why’s Japan escalating?

The answer’s Korea.

They may not fully claim Korea, but they can at least knock out other powers’ spoons.

Still, I’ll admit their bold push into Manchuria and the peninsula is impressive.

Even I, knowing history, wondered, Did the indemnity twist things?

But Japan’s clearly struggling to oust the powers from Korea, let alone Manchuria.

No nation will fully recognize Korea as Japan’s—they’re just a wannabe power, flexing their newfound presence.

“…Then there’s room to persuade.”